Chapter 1: Overview of Persecution
From late 2024 to November 2025, Chinese house churches experienced a new round of severe suppression. The forms of persecution have escalated further compared to previous years, evolving from simple bans on gatherings and short-term detentions to more frequent cross-regional arrests and judicial prosecutions[1]. This chapter will review the evolution of persecution methods over the past year, the characteristics of affected groups, changes compared to previous years, the annual policy context, and typical cases of nationwide coordinated law enforcement. It will also integrate spiritual reflection and pastoral care into the objective analysis. For detailed annual statistics and lists of detained individuals, please refer to the Appendix (Chapter 8).
I. Evolution of Persecution Forms: From Bans and Detentions to Judicialization
Over the past year, authorities have continued to intensify their crackdown on house churches, with methods shifting from administrative bans and police detentions toward "judicialization." In the early stages, common practices involved directly banning house church meeting venues and dispersing gatherings. For example, Beijing Zion Church was forcibly banned in 2018 for refusing to install surveillance cameras, and its meeting place was sealed. At that time, police briefly detained the church's pastor, Ezra Jin, and other leaders, releasing them after only a few hours. Similarly, house churches across the country were often raided and banned under the pretext of "illegal assembly," with participants summoned for questioning or given administrative detention for a few days as a warning[2].
However, since 2024, these methods dominated by administrative penalties and short-term detentions have been gradually replaced by harsher law enforcement. On top of banning gatherings, authorities have begun to criminally detain and prosecute house church leaders, cloaking persecution in legal garb[1:1]. For instance, Ma Yan, a house church preacher in Yinchuan, Ningxia, was initially given a 10-day administrative detention after a raid on a home gathering of fewer than 10 people in August 2024. This was subsequently converted to criminal detention, and she was arrested on suspicion of "organizing illegal gatherings" (组织非法聚集罪)[3]. This is a new charge that has emerged in recent years. Similarly, Brother Wan Changchun and three others from Living Stone Reformed Church in Bengbu, Anhui, were accused of "fraud" due to church tithes and offerings. After being held for over a year, they were tried in late 2024. The prosecution even fabricated "victims," but one believer testified in court that he "had not been deceived" and insisted on the pastor's innocence. Defense lawyers argued strongly during the trial that the case was essentially a frame-up against normal church offerings[4]. In another case, five believers from Shengjia Church in Foshan, Guangdong, were charged with "illegal business operations" for printing Christian publications and were sentenced to prison terms ranging from one to two years in January 2025[5]. These cases demonstrate that authorities are increasingly using criminal charges to punish house churches: from "disturbing social order" to "fraud," "illegal business operations," and even characterizing home gatherings as "illegal gatherings." The use of judicial means has made persecution more institutionalized and prolonged[1:2].
In addition to reviving conventional charges, officials have also used the label of "anti-cult" to criminalize certain churches. On the eve of Christmas 2024, ten Christians in Nyingchi, Tibet, were prosecuted by the procuratorate for "organizing and using a cult organization to undermine the implementation of the law." The indictment accused them of belonging to a nationwide house church group (the "Born Again Movement" or "All Ranges Church"), resuming gatherings online, spreading so-called "heretical fallacies," and stigmatizing their services such as free medical clinics and childcare as "spreading cults to minors." In fact, this group merely holds a house church stance, yet they faced this heavy charge in Tibet, applying the notorious Article 300 of the Criminal Law[6]. Similarly, house church pastors in Xinjiang have been fined on the grounds of "illegal religious activities," showing that authorities frequently use the name of cults to suppress orthodox faith[7]. Overall, the government's method of persecuting house churches this year has evolved from extensive bans to precise strikes using legal means. Superficially utilizing judicial procedures, it is in reality weaponizing the law to suppress religion[1:3].
From a spiritual and pastoral perspective, this escalation from administrative to judicial measures reminds the church not to pin its hopes on a "cycle of leniency" in policy. Instead, under longer-term pressure, we must learn to scatter our gatherings, watch over one another, remain alert in prayer, recognize the institutional trends behind the persecution, and maintain prayer and love for those in power.
II. Profile of Victim Groups: Pastors, House Meeting Points, Publishing, and Education Participants
The current wave of suppression by authorities is widespread, affecting house church participants at all levels. Bearing the brunt are church pastors and preachers. Many pastors have been detained and prosecuted for holding fast to their faith stance. For example, Pastor Sun Chenghao of a Korean-Chinese house church in Zhangye, Gansu, was arrested and charged with "organizing others to secretly cross the national border" for taking believers on a trip abroad in 2023; the case has already been sentenced[8]. Preacher Ma Yan from Yinchuan was arrested for organizing home gatherings, and her case has also resulted in a sentence[3:1]. Pastor Zhou Songlin and Elder Ding Zhongfu of Ganquan Church in Hefei, Anhui, have been detained since late 2023 on charges of "fraud," and have now been held for two years[9]. These two leaders, in their sixties, suffer from serious illnesses in prison, and their families endure great suffering, yet they persist in pleading not guilty, stating that the persecution "openly violates the spirit of the Constitution and violates relevant policies of the Party and government"[10]. Their faith and conscience have become a powerful witness against the prosecution's fabricated charges. Furthermore, the well-known urban church pastor Wang Yi, who was sentenced to prison in 2018, is still serving his sentence, yet his mission to shepherd the spiritual flock has not ceased. It can be said that the group of house church pastors is the most heavily impacted in this persecution. Many have been deprived of the freedom to serve, or even their personal liberty, but they continue to intercede for the flock and write letters of pastoral care while in detention[1:4].
In addition to pastors, coworkers and lay believers have not been spared, especially those who serve in house meeting points or provide venues. Small house meeting points across the country have become key targets for law enforcement inspections. This year, there have been constant reports of police harassing family gatherings: some were merely elderly people dining together to celebrate a festival, only to be dispersed by police knocking on the door; other house churches, despite changing meeting addresses, were quickly located and suppressed by authorities using high-tech means. "No matter where they move, the government can always locate them and then strike hard," this relentless pursuit has left many house meeting points displaced. Some believers were raided and investigated simply for hosting gatherings in their living rooms or hanging an Israeli flag as decoration. Others had their water and electricity cut off for persisting in gatherings, forcing them out of their homes[1:5]. These cases show that even the most ordinary family meeting points and grassroots believer groups are under high-pressure surveillance. House churches no longer have any "safe islands": from urban apartments to rural homes, as long as believers gather to worship, everyone from public security and national security officers to street committee officials is on high alert.
At the same time, those involved in Christian publishing and education ministries have also become key targets for suppression. In the publishing sector, printing spiritual materials and books is now treated as criminal behavior such as "illegal business operations" or "fraud." Elder Zhu Longfei and four other Christians from Shengjia Church in Shunde, Foshan, Guangdong, were sentenced to prison terms ranging from over a year to two years, plus fines, simply for printing internal devotional materials[5:1]. "In a country with the rule of law and civilization, no one would be convicted for publishing internal Christian publications," yet the Chinese authorities have exposed their harsh control over freedom of press and religious speech through this case[1:6]. Additionally, as early as 2021, several coworkers from Golden Lampstand Church in Linfen, Shanxi, were arrested for "fraud," partly for transporting the official Three-Self version of the Bible for brothers and sisters to use, which was falsely accused as illegal profiteering. By 2025, these coworkers had been detained for nearly four years, and the case has now been sentenced[11]. It is evident that any involvement in the printing, transportation, or distribution of Christian books can lead to imprisonment for believers.
Persecution in the education sector is manifested in two ways: first, the banning of schools, Sunday schools, or parent-child fellowships run by house churches; second, discrimination and pressure against Christian children in public schools. In 2024, local governments forcibly disbanded children's summer camps and homeschooling groups organized by churches, not sparing even young second-generation believers[1:7]. Some church-run kindergartens and tutoring classes were closed for "illegal schooling," and responsible coworkers were summoned and warned. Within the public education system, education bureaus in certain regions joined forces with public security to investigate student families. For instance, in late 2023, the Linfen Education Bureau in Shanxi conducted a "carpet search" for Christian students across the city, interviewing parents from elementary school to university level one by one, forcing them to sign pledges not to take their children to house churches and requiring them to transfer to official Three-Self churches. For those who refused to cooperate, their children faced repeated dissuasion from school authorities or even direct "home visits" to apply pressure. A family member of detained pastor Li Jie questioned: "Is it not a gross overstep for people from the education department to come to our home to interfere with a child's faith?"[12] Such events indicate that authorities are not only targeting preachers and adult believers but are also attempting to cut off the next generation of the house church through the school system. In China, the strict separation of minors from religion has become official policy, so Sunday school teachers and Christian parents may all become targets of crackdowns. In this spiritual warfare, whether old or young, leaders or laypeople, all have become victim groups of persecution. Their trials and hardships vary, yet together they bear witness to the preciousness and unyielding nature of faith.
III. Comparison with Previous Years: Changes in Case Numbers, Sentences, Charges, and Regional Distribution
Comparing the persecution situation from 2024 to 2025 with previous years, we can see a further deterioration in the environment for Chinese house churches. First, the number of cases remains high, showing a trend of multi-point outbreaks. In the past, attacks on house churches were often regional and phased, such as a concentrated rectification of churches in a certain province in a given year. However, in the past year, persecution cases have been exposed in almost every province and city across the country: from Shanghai and Zhejiang in the east to Tibet and Xinjiang in the west, from Heilongjiang and Jilin in the northeast to Henan and Hubei in central China, house churches everywhere have not been spared. In particular, some previously relatively quiet areas, such as Nyingchi in Tibet, Yinchuan in Ningxia, and Zhangye in Gansu—minority or border provinces—have also seen criminal charges against house churches[13][3:2]. This indicates that the crackdown has spread comprehensively regardless of region, presenting a nationwide coordinated posture.
Second, sentencing has become significantly heavier, and prison terms have notably lengthened. Around 2010, it was relatively rare for house church pastors to be sentenced, and even if they were, terms were generally under three to five years. However, in recent years, sentences of five years or more have become common, and 2025 saw the harshest sentencing to date. After being arrested in 2021, Preacher Yang Rongli of Golden Lampstand Church in Linfen, Shanxi, was reportedly sentenced to 15 years in prison for "fraud" in June 2025! This verdict shocked the universal church—a 15-year sentence is almost equivalent to that for violent criminals, a disproportionately heavy persecution for a female house church preacher[14]. Previously, the 9-year sentence given to Pastor Wang Yi of Early Rain Covenant Church in Chengdu at the end of 2019 (arrested in late 2018) was already considered a high-pressure move; now, a fifteen-year sentence elevates persecution to a new height. In addition, Elder Zhang Chunlei of Ren'ai Reformed Church in Guiyang was sentenced to 5 years in 2022, and Wan Changchun and others from Living Stone Church in Bengbu, Anhui, have been detained for nearly two years after their first instance trial; they have now been sentenced and are serving time. Various signs indicate that long-term detention and heavy sentencing have become the norm. Many cases involve prolonged detention without a verdict; for example, in the Ganquan Church case in Hefei, two pastors have been detained for nearly 24 months without a judgment[9:1]. In contrast, cases in previous years usually did not drag on for so long from arrest to trial. Prolonged detention without sentencing has itself become a form of torture, described as "seriously exceeding the limit of what a normal person can endure"[10:1]. It is evident that authorities intend to wear down wills and punish the church through indefinite detention. Overall, the longer sentences and harsher judicial procedures for house church coworkers this year reflect an intensification in the depth of persecution.
Third, fabricated charges are constantly being renewed and are more diverse compared to previous years. In the past, house churches mainly faced accusations such as "illegal assembly," "disturbing social order," and "illegal publications"—charges at the level of administrative penalties. In recent years, authorities have turned to using economic and security-related charges in the Criminal Law, attempting to thoroughly criminalize church activities legally. The charge of "fraud," which has appeared frequently since 2021, is a baseless accusation against church tithes and finances[5:2]; "illegal business operations" is specifically used to crack down on the printing of spiritual materials[5:3]; "organizing others to secretly cross the national border" is used to punish pastors for attending overseas training or exchanges[8:1]; "organizing illegal gatherings" directly characterizes family gatherings as criminal offenses[3:3]; and "using a cult organization to undermine the implementation of the law" labels house churches as cults to punish them severely in the name of national security[13:1]. Even with the rise of the internet, the new charge of "illegal use of information networks" has been used against online religious activities[2:1]. For example, coworkers from Beijing Zion Church arrested in October were accused of "illegally disseminating religious information via the internet"[2:2]. Such a wide variety of charges was rarely seen in the past. This renewal of charges reflects the authorities' attempt to block the living space of house churches from every angle: stigmatizing them politically as cults, accusing them economically of fraud, labeling their gathering forms as illegal, and counting their external contacts as border violations. Compared to previous years, the legal packaging of persecution is more comprehensive, sparing almost no area that can be struck.
Fourth, in terms of regional distribution, there is a trend of cross-provincial coordination and nationwide synchronization. In previous years, persecution of house churches was mostly the action of local governments, lacking coordination with each other. This year, however, there have been multiple cases of simultaneous cross-provincial law enforcement, indicating unified actions led by the central government. A typical example is the Zion Church incident in October 2025, where police in seven cities across the country acted simultaneously, arresting relevant pastors and coworkers overnight[15]. Another example is the concentrated operation to arrest house church coworkers in Hubei in September 2024, which echoed the subsequent prosecution of believers from the same group in Tibet[6:1]. These all indicate that public security across different regions received unified deployment instructions for execution. Regionally, East and Central China have historically been strongholds for house churches and persecution remains frequent; however, this year, rare cases of persecution have also appeared in Northwest and Southwest regions (Xinjiang, Ningxia, Tibet, etc.), expanding the map of suppression[13:2]. It can be said that compared to the localized suppression of previous years, this year's persecution is more nationwide and synchronized. This reflects both the tightening of high-level policies against house churches and means that churches everywhere find it hard to find a "haven," facing more similar trials. This severe situation calls for deeper mutual care and universal attention.
IV. Annual Keywords and Policy Context
Looking back at the religious situation in China from 2024 to 2025, several keywords and policy trends run through it, outlining the macro environment in which house churches find themselves:
"Sinicization of Religion" High-Pressure Advance: Since the implementation of the new "Regulations on Religious Affairs" in 2018 and the inclusion of "Sinicization of Religion" in policy, authorities have required Christianity to adhere to the "direction of Sinicization." Its actual meaning is not simple indigenization, but the thorough politicization of the church, bringing it under Party leadership[2:3]. As Purdue University sociology professor Fenggang Yang pointed out, "The main purpose of the Sinicization of religion is not cultural assimilation, but political domestication"[16]. In September 2025, the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held a group study session, emphasizing "systematically promoting the Sinicization of religion in our country," establishing a tone of both "ideological guidance" and "legal management"[17]. This year, localities continued to instill love for the Party and country into churches through the "Three-Self" system, organizing clergy tours to red education bases, singing red songs, etc. Officials explicitly regard house churches that do not accept Party leadership as "unstable factors." Some internal training materials even characterize Christianity directly as a "great hazard to national security," linking it to hostile foreign forces. This guidance of public opinion undoubtedly provides a theoretical basis for suppression and creates an atmosphere of nationwide vigilance against underground churches. This year, some local governments established "Anti-Cult Warning Education Bases" inside churches, ostensibly targeting heretical cults but in reality confusing the public by equating house churches with cults[1:8]. The Sinicization of religion emphasized at the policy level has evolved into a requirement for house churches to be "more Three-Self than the Three-Self"—anyone not joining the official system is viewed as an alien element to be banned. This has become one of the fundamental reasons for the intensified crackdown this year.
"Rule of Law in Religion" and Legal Instrumentalization: In recent years, official rhetoric has claimed to "manage religious affairs according to the law." However, actual practice in 2024–2025 shows that this is suppression in the name of the rule of law. Authorities frequently use articles of the Criminal Law and the "Public Security Administration Punishments Law" against religious activities, criminalizing faith practices originally protected by the Constitution. For example, accusing house churches of collecting tithes as "fraud"[18], printing spiritual materials as "illegal business operations," and cross-provincial connections as "colluding with foreign forces." These accusations are often accompanied by exaggerated propaganda, smearing house churches as "amassing wealth" or "endangering the nation." In reality, persecuted churches have long clarified that offerings are voluntary and open, and finances are transparent. Lawyers pointed out in defense that officials are using economic charges to comprehensively ban and persecute the church[9:2]. In the Zion Church case mentioned earlier, police came with formal arrest warrants for a unified national net-closing operation[2:4]. Superficially, the procedure was legal, but the charge itself was absurd—"illegally disseminating religious information" actually negates the basic freedom of religious expression granted to citizens by the Constitution. As one arrested pastor said: "This incident openly violates the spirit of the Constitution... exposing the image of the Chinese government as having no freedom of religious belief"[10:2]. Thus, one of this year's policy threads is strengthening the governance of religion through legal means, but this "rule of law" does not protect rights; instead, it turns the law into a high-pressure tool to implement selective law enforcement and political persecution against house churches[1:9]. The repeated use of legal terminology and procedures only highlights the true trampling of religious freedom.
Crackdown on "Illegal Religious Activities" and the "Early Rain Effect": 2024 marked the sixth anniversary of the mass arrests at Early Rain Covenant Church in Chengdu. The long-term imprisonment of Pastor Wang Yi and others has deterred many house churches. This year, authorities continued the high-pressure posture against so-called "illegal religious activities," issuing documents locally to strictly investigate family gatherings and private missionary work. In Hotan, Xinjiang, house church pastor Xie Rongguang was fined because his repeated home gatherings were deemed "illegal religious activities"[7:1]. In May, Pastor Gao Quanfu of Zion Light Church in Xi'an was detained for "using superstition to disrupt the implementation of the law" (actually a cult charge)[14:1]. These all fall under the official definition of "illegal religious activities," i.e., religious gatherings and dissemination without registration and permission. This year, such law enforcement has become more normalized and open, barely concealing the intent to suppress house churches. Officials use media to spread the message that "house churches are illegal if they don't join the Three-Self," and threaten participants that it may "affect their future," attempting to make house meeting points gradually die out through high-pressure policies[12:1]. In other words, the "chilling effect" formed after the Early Rain case is still fermenting: many churches have been forced to go deeper underground or split into smaller groups for fear of suffering similar heavy blows[19]. The authorities' policy is precisely to catch all uncontrolled religious activities in one net, cleaning them up regardless of size. This is corroborated by multiple cases this year and foreshadows the direction of future persecution.
Public Opinion Manipulation and Accusations of Foreign Forces: While persecuting house churches this year, officials actively used public opinion tools and diplomatic discourse to exonerate themselves. Domestically, they claimed that banning house churches was to prevent "cults" and "foreign infiltration," shaping a positive image of cracking down on illegal religion; internationally, they slandered the concerns of the international community and overseas churches as "hype by anti-China forces." In particular, the new "Detailed Rules for the Implementation of the Provisions on the Administration of Religious Activities of Foreigners within the Territory of the People's Republic of China," implemented in May 2025[20], further cut off non-official contacts between Chinese house churches and the universal church, strictly guarding against "foreign infiltration." For example, in the Ganquan case trial, the prosecutor's agent questioned the defendant whether they knew that Western media had reported on the case, implying the church was "colluding with foreign forces"[10:3]. The defendant elder responded wittily, refusing to be led into a statement[10:4]. This episode illustrates that authorities are afraid of the truth of persecution spreading abroad, while simultaneously using the fact that it has spread as evidence to smear the church. This year is a period of tension between China and the West, and domestic religious groups with foreign contacts are more easily targeted by authorities. In the arrest of Pastor Ezra Jin, the fact that his family resides in the United States was used as an excuse; authorities may have believed Zion Church had close interactions with overseas churches and thus implemented a severe crackdown. Meanwhile, the Chinese government consistently denies suppressing religion in international venues, claiming "freedom of belief is guaranteed." This offensive and defensive battle of public opinion constitutes a link in the background of this year's religious policy. For targeted house churches, authorities internally define them as political risks, while publicly trying to downplay or even block news to avoid backlash. On social media, information releases related to house churches are often censored and deleted. This year, many churches found it difficult to speak out on domestic platforms and had to turn to overseas social media or channels like ChinaAid to release prayer letters[6:2]. It is foreseeable that officials will further strengthen public opinion control in the future, listing house church issues as sensitive content for stability maintenance. However, "truth is not discounted, persecution is not hidden"; regardless of the information blockade, the testimony of God's church continues to spread to the world in various ways.
In summary, the policy context of 2024–2025 demonstrates: ideologically, strengthening the transformation and hostility toward Christian faith in the name of Sinicization and anti-cult efforts; legally, practicing high pressure in the name of the rule of law, criminalizing normal faith life; in law enforcement practice, a nationwide game of chess with zero tolerance for any non-official religious activities; and in public opinion, demonizing house churches domestically and denying persecution facts internationally. This series of policy trends indicates that Chinese house churches are in an unprecedented storm. However, God's church becomes stronger through wind and rain, and behind the persecution, new opportunities and testimonies are being nurtured.
V. Nationwide Coordinated Law Enforcement and Cross-Provincial Handling: The Beijing Zion Church Network Incident
The massive crackdown on Beijing Zion Church that erupted in mid-October 2025 is a landmark node in the persecution of Chinese house churches this year. This event reflects a new model of nationwide coordinated strikes and cross-provincial synchronized handling adopted by authorities against house churches, triggering global concern. This section provides only a brief overview; for a more complete timeline of the case and family responses, please refer to the special topic on the "10.9 Zion Case" in the North China section of Chapter 2.
Event Summary: Between October 9 and 11, Chinese police launched a unified operation against Zion Church, simultaneously arresting pastors, preachers, and believers in several cities, including Beijing and locations in South and East China. According to a Human Rights Watch report, nearly 30 people associated with Zion Church were arrested within a few days, including the founder and senior pastor of the Beijing church, Ezra Jin, who was visiting Beihai, Guangxi[15:1][2:5]. Some believers lost contact with the outside world after the operation, forcing the church to issue a prayer statement calling on authorities to stop arrests and harassment and unconditionally release all arrested members[2:6][15:2].
Nature of the Event: The scale and meticulous organization of this law enforcement action against Zion Church are rare in recent years. Unlike previous localized crackdowns on a single city church, this time authorities clearly premeditated and coordinated the deployment. Pastor Bob Fu revealed that the detention notice received by Pastor Ezra Jin's family showed that the arrest decision was approved by the Ministry of Public Security as early as September 26[21]. That is to say, authorities had been secretly monitoring the church's movements for some time, choosing mid-October to close the net simultaneously and catch major leaders in one fell swoop. This cross-provincial "nationwide raid" shocked many observers. Some commentators pointed out that this is another wave of large-scale persecution against Christians in China following the Early Rain case in 2018. Zion Church Pastor Long Jiang'en analyzed that this arrest was completely different from previous sporadic harassment—police held formal arrest warrants and arrested people in multiple places across the country, "it was an organized nationwide action"[2:7].
Charges and Legal Basis: According to currently available information, those arrested were mainly charged with "illegally disseminating religious information via the internet." Pastor Long Jiang'en confirmed that authorities accused Zion Church of conducting unauthorized religious activities through the internet, a settling of accounts for the church's recent online gatherings. In fact, since the pandemic, Zion Church has developed a model combining "online live streaming + local small groups," expanding gatherings originally in Beijing to a network covering about 40 cities and tens of thousands of believers nationwide. It is precisely because of the rapid expansion of the church's influence that it aroused the government's fear and suppression. As early as 2018, before the pandemic, Zion Church was banned for refusing to install official surveillance, and at that time, official treatment involved closing venues and brief detentions. But this time, utilizing the newly introduced "Measures for the Administration of Internet Religious Information Services," authorities took comprehensive criminal action against a house church for the first time under the charge of "illegal use of information networks"[2:8]. This charge has no precedent in religious persecution, indicating that authorities are closely watching the church's online activities and bringing them under regulation and attack.
It is worth noting that authorities did not only take action in Beijing but struck simultaneously across provinces and cities. Reports indicate that preachers participating in Zion Church ministries were arrested by local public security in Shanghai, Zhejiang, Guangdong, and other places. Even Pastor Ezra Jin, who was temporarily staying in Beihai, Guangxi, to avoid risk, was pursued and arrested thousands of miles away[15:3]. This cross-regional coordination shows that the public security system internally lists cracking down on house churches as a unified national task, operating with high synergy. Furthermore, authorities likely used technical means to lock onto key figures and communication links in the Zion Church network, enabling them to execute arrests precisely at the same time. The high-tech, high-efficiency nature of nationwide coordinated law enforcement presents house churches with unprecedented challenges and pressure.
Reactions: After the Zion Church incident was exposed, it immediately aroused strong concern from the international community and the universal church. Organizations like Human Rights Watch condemned the Chinese government for severely violating religious freedom and called on governments to publicly pressure for the release of all house church members detained for their faith[15:4]. Religious groups in the United States and other Western countries also launched joint signatures of support, and relatives of arrested pastors appealed overseas for attention to their safety. Reports state that Pastor Ezra Jin's daughter and wife, who are studying in the US, expressed concern through the media, confirming that Pastor Jin was accused of "illegally disseminating information online," but she bluntly stated that the charge was a political excuse fabricated by authorities[22]. Pastor Ezra Jin, 56, is one of the representative leaders of urban house churches in China, and his sudden arrest distressed countless believers. Facing persecution, Zion Church did not remain silent or retreat. The prayer letter issued by the church on October 12 not only pleaded for their own church but also named and listed other house churches that have suffered recently, asking churches to pray for and support one another[14:2]. It mentioned instances such as the arrest of Pastor Gao Quanfu of "Zion Light Church" in Xi'an in May this year and the heavy sentence of 15 years given to Pastor Yang Rongli of Golden Lampstand Church in Linfen, Shanxi, in June[14:3], indicating that Zion's suffering is not an isolated case but the common cross of the entire Chinese church. This year's prayer letter is like an open letter "crying out in blood," calling for an end to this new wave of persecution against Chinese house churches[15:5]. Many overseas Chinese churches also moved upon hearing the news, petitioning peacefully in front of Chinese consulates, demanding the Chinese government respect freedom of belief and release arrested pastors. The concern and prayers of the universal body are a source of great comfort and strength for the suffering church.
VI. Spiritual Reflection
The Zion Church incident is grievous, yet it also sparks deeper spiritual reflection. Years ago, Pastor Ezra Jin foresaw that persecution would eventually come and sent some coworkers abroad in advance to prevent the church from being "leaderless." Pastor Long Jiang'en recalled recently talking with Pastor Jin on Zoom: "What if all the leaders of Zion Church are arrested?" Pastor Jin's answer was moving: "Hallelujah! Because a new wave of revival is coming."[2:9] This pastor, who has weathered many storms, had long disregarded life and death, believing that when persecution comes, it is precisely the opportunity for God's mighty revival.
Sure enough, on the Sunday three days after the arrests, about 100 small groups of Zion Church across the country still worshipped and gathered as usual—some in living rooms, some renting restaurant private rooms. Through online connections, pastors temporarily residing overseas preached on the martyrdom of Stephen from Acts chapter 7, encouraging one another with Stephen's testimony. After the sermon, small groups everywhere split up for Bible study and prayer, and some believers broke bread and dined together. No glory without suffering; this is the core spiritual DNA in the history of the Chinese house church. As Pastor Long said: "We are willing to pay the price and take up the cross of discipleship."[2:10] Zion Church declared with action: although pastors and coworkers are imprisoned, the church survives, worshiping God in various places with even greater unity. Persecution has not destroyed the church; instead, it has refined believers' firmer faith and more fervent love.
The Beijing Zion Church network case is an important page in the history of the suffering of the Chinese church in 2025. It warns us: the Chinese government's crackdown on house churches today has developed into a new stage of coordinated efficiency and pervasive intrusion. But at the same time, this event inspires all churches to rethink the theology of suffering and look more to the manifestation of Christ's glory in the darkness. In this spiritual warfare, we see that chains cannot bind the gospel; instead, they become opportunities for the gospel to spread widely. Just as Paul was full of joy in prison, today the imprisoned pastors in China inspire us who are free with their faith[9:3]. As the storm of persecution approaches, the Chinese house church has not chosen to retreat or "lie flat," but to meet the challenge with united prayer and steadfast gathering. With faithfulness amidst manifold trials, they witness to the world the heavenly hope that transcends tribulation. To this end, we, the universal church, should bear the suffering of Christ with them and extend a helping hand: as a mainland pastor appealed, may overseas churches "stand bravely together" and support persecuted Chinese brothers and sisters more in prayer and action. For if one member suffers, the whole body suffers together; if we are truly the body of Christ, we should connect with one another, sharing in glory and shame, advancing and retreating together[1:10].
VII. Conclusion
The wave of persecution from 2024 to 2025 brings to mind the words in 1 Peter: "now for a little while, if necessary, you have been grieved by various trials" (1 Peter 1:6). Indeed, the Chinese church is experiencing various trials, but this is "only for a little while," for the Lord's church continues to march forward firmly amidst blood and tears. Whether elders over seventy or ignorant young children, all pay a price in this battle of faith; whether secret small gatherings or large networks spreading the gospel, all become targets of hostile forces. However, we are convinced that "persecution is but the prelude to the Lord's return," and "we can endure any persecution"[1:11]. As a domestic pastor prayed in his New Year prayer: May God give us strength to love the rulers who persecute us daily; may the Lord use the church's testimony in suffering to soften hardened hearts; may the power of the gospel continue to change lives, even within high prison walls. As we look to the future, the Chinese house church may face even fiercer storms. Yet they have set their resolve: rather be crushed than compromise with the world, rather bear the cross than give up gathering to worship[1:12]. For they know deeply that although the way of the cross is full of suffering, it yields a crown of glory; persecution can refine the church's faith, but it cannot lock up the truth of the gospel. May the universal body watch and pray with the Chinese church, remembering those members imprisoned for their faith; and may we be inspired by their testimony to do all kinds of good works, promoting the expansion of God's kingdom. As the Bible promises: "Unless a grain of wheat falls into the earth and dies, it remains alone; but if it dies, it bears much fruit"; the seeds of the gospel sown by the Chinese house church in suffering will surely bear the fragrant fruit of revival and hope[2:11][9:4].
This chapter has outlined the forms of persecution, victim groups, and policy trends faced by house churches from 2024 to 2025 at a macro level. The following Chapter 2 will organize typical persecution cases by region; Chapter 3 will analyze the institutional logic behind these cases from legal and administrative perspectives; Chapters 4 and 5 will turn to the life testimonies and responses of the persecuted, their families, and church communities. Chapter 6 will present the reaction of the international community and the universal church, and Chapter 7 will synthesize the aforementioned observations to make judgments on future trends and offer suggestions for churches and organizations, helping readers understand the storm described in this chapter from a broader perspective.
Zhu Yiding, "New Year Outlook for Chinese House Churches," ChinaAid, December 31, 2024, accessed December 1, 2025, http://www.chinaaid.net/2024/12/blog-post_42.html. ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎ ↩︎
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